Archive for April, 2009

Should Blacks Act in Self Defense When Faced With an Electrocution Device in the Hands of a Police Officer?

Sunday, April 26th, 2009
Are there any circumstances under which a Black man has a right, derived in law or reason, to defend himself from a police officer who is armed with and threatening to use an electrocution device and intends to use it, regardless of the risk of death or serious injury, and before the intended victims has had the benefit of a trial or even an arraignment? Are police authorized to execute Black people on the street with hand-held portable electric chairs, or are they bound by the requirements of Due Process to see that Blacks defendants have the benefit of a trial before they are executed?

During the era of slavery in the United States, the US Supreme Court announced that "a Black man has no rights that a white man is bound to respect." Since Blacks during slavery had no right to self-defense under the law, and could not even testify in court against a white man as to the circumstances under which a Black man had defended himself from a white man, therefore it was a foregone conclusion that a Black man who defended himself from whites by use of force would be convicted of a crime, if not lynched on the spot. When Blacks did offer resistance to white force, they were brutally repressed.

In spite of that, there were always so called "bad niggers" who preferred to lose their lives in a fight than to lose their lives and their dignity in a failure to fight.


Today, US police officers are armed with what Amnesty International has deemed potential instruments of torture, whose use may result in death, particularly if that is what was intended in the first place. Of course, I'm referring to the police's portable hand-held electrocution devices.


We've all seen videotape of police officers sitting or kneeling on top of a Black man, who was handcuffed, while shocking him with a taser. Since the Black man was already immobilized, the use of the electrocution device -- often repeatedly -- constituted torture and arguably attempted murder, that can easily end in death, and sometimes does. Let there be no mistake: That which is called a "taser" is, in fact an electrocution device that, like the devices used in capital punishment, may have to be replied repeatedly in order for the victim to finally die.
If the Black man in that situation somehow gets hold of the officers' gun and shoots the officer dead, should the Black man be tried and convicted of murder, or exonerated because legitimate self-defense is a complete defense to a charge of murder?


I think the Black man should be exonerated by a jury and perhaps even be given an award if, as so often happens, the Black man had done nothing to provoke the police action in the first place, or the police response was with the intention or willingness to kill rather than to merely subdue and arrest.


Am I saying that there are circumstances under which a member of the public should shoot a police officer? Obviously there are! Let us imagine that a police officer is holding his wife and children hostage, threatening to kill his family and then himself. If a member of the public has a clear shot to prevent the deaths of the members of the police officer's family, should he nonetheless allow the police officer to proceed, simply because the officer is wearing a blue suit and a badge at the time?


No, defense of another has long been recognized as a defense to a charge of murder and police officers, like other human beings, sometimes do kill others in a way and under circumstances that constitute murder.
Let us imagine that the police officer's wife is somehow able to wrestle the gun away from him and shoot him dead. Has she committed a crime or defended herself from a crime that was about to be committed against her? The answer should be obvious, and the fact that the murderous husband happens to be a police officer ought not blind us to reason.


The de facto and only rarely rebuttable presumption in American society is that police officers are always acting lawfully, and therefore no one is within his rights to resist the force of a police officer. And yet, as a matter of fact, we know that many police officers exceed that which is necessary to do that which is unnecessary and reprehensible.


If the Black man in New York who had a billy club stuck up his rectum had somehow gotten hold of the police officer's weapon and shot the police officer dead, would that have been a legitimate self-defense? That would be something for a jury to decide after the the fact.


In fact, what is legitimate self-defense is always a matter for a jury to decide (except when judges refuse to allow defendants to offer evidence about the circumstances and refuse to allow juries to hear evidence that would support a claim of self defense). But many Black men, for failure to act in self-defense, do not live to see their cases go before a judge or jury, and that is a shame for which the Black man himself may be responsible. It is not our fault when we are the targets of color-aroused violence, but it is our responsibility to act to defend ourselves. Whether we have acted in legitimate self-defense is a matter for a judge and jury to decide.


When a Black person is not threatening police but nonetheless believes that the only way to save his own life is by an act of self-defense, I believe the Black man (woman or child) should defend himself, and let a jury subsequently decide whether he has done the right thing, particularly if the alternative is to be killed by police.
In the case of electrocution devices, I once believed that it was useless to study the so-called "use of force continuum", because the police who most violate Blacks' rights are those who least care about such guidance. But, now I perceive a possible use for such official guidance: If Black people are aware of the use of force continuum and conclude that the police have exceeded the force authorized under the circumstances, and/or that the police have demonstrated a willingness or intention to unlawfully kill a Black person rather than merely arrest them (electrocution devices, when used, often electrocute people), then that should certainly be a moment when a Black person (or any person) would consider acting in self-defense. The question will then arise whether the person has acted in legitimate self-defense. I believe that will be a question for a judge and/or jury to decide.


Perhaps, many judges would not permit a defendant to offer statistical evidence that the threatened use of an electrocution device was excessive force that triggered a right to self defense, precisely because the actual use of an electrocution often results in electrocution. Without having reviewed the case law and precedents, I believe that if judges do not allow a defendant to prove that he acted to save his own life (or the life of another), then that is a failure of jurispudence that needs to be addressed, and not a failure on the part of the self-defendant.
How should we behave if we see a police officer coming toward us with a stun gun pointed at us or at someone else? Of course it depends upon the circumstances, but we must consider at that moment the possibility that we may become victims of pre-trial execution. I believe there may be cases in which we are compelled to act in self-defense, and to let a jury decide if we have acted appropriately.
And what should we do if we see seven police officers sitting on top of a woman in the street, shocking her repeatedly with an electrocution device? Again, I believe that Blacks should act "in defense of another" and let a jury decide, if necessary, whether we have done the right thing. If we are fortunate, there will be a videotape to support our testimony, although it may not make any difference if the case is tried to an all-white jury. Nonetheless, we must defend ourselves whenever it is legitimate to do so, and put our faith in the legal system.
The justice system is stacked against Black people, with the very people most likely to be shocked with electrocution devices often lacking the financial wherewithal to mount an effective defense; with juries often all-white; and with all-white juries again presuming that the police are always right. In a state without the death penalty, it may be better to spend one's life in jail than to give one's life to Taser international, as so many Black men have been compelled to do.


And in a state with the death penalty, it may be preferable effectively to take one's torturer to the grave rather than to go there alone. The important thing is to defend oneself first and then, if necessary, let the jury decide.


To say that Blacks should always submit to police violence, no matter how exaggerated and intentionally lethal, is to take us back to the days of Dread Scott, when Blacks had no rights that a white man was bound to respect.

Should Blacks Act in Self Defense When Faced With an Electrocution Device in the Hands of a Police Officer?

Sunday, April 26th, 2009

Are there any circumstances under which a Black man has a right, derived in law or reason, to defend himself from a police officer who is armed with and threatening to use an electrocution device? During the era of slavery in the United States, the US Supreme Court announced that "a Black man has no rights that a white man is bound to respect." Since Blacks during slavery had no right to self-defense under the law, and could not even testify in court against a white man as to the circumstances under which a Black man had defended himself from a white man, therefore it was a foregone conclusion that a Black man who defended himself from whites by use of force would be convicted of a crime, if not lynched on the spot. When Blacks did offer resistance to white force, they were brutally repressed.


In spite of that, there were always so called "bad niggers" who preferred to lose their lives in a fight than to lose their lives and their dignity in a failure to fight.
Today, US police officers are armed with what Amnesty International has deemed potential instruments of torture, whose use may result in death, particularly if that is what was intended in the first place. Of course, I'm referring to the police's portable hand-held electrocution devices.
We've all seen videotape of police officers sitting or kneeling on top of a Black man, who was handcuffed, while shocking him with a taser. Since the Black man was already immobilized, the use of the electrocution device -- often repeatedly -- constituted torture and arguably attempted murder, that can easily end in death, and sometimes does. Let there be no mistake: That which is called a "taser" is, in fact an electrocution device that, like the devices used in capital punishment, may have to be replied repeatedly in order for the victim to finally die.
If the Black man in that situation somehow gets hold of the officers' gun and shoots the officer dead, should the Black man be tried and convicted of murder, or exonerated because legitimate self-defense is a complete defense to a charge of murder?
I think the Black man should be exonerated by a jury and perhaps even be given an award if, as so often happens, the Black man had done nothing to provoke the police action in the first place, or the police response was with the intention or willingness to kill rather than to merely subdue and arrest.
Am I saying that there are circumstances under which a member of the public should shoot a police officer? Obviously there are! Let us imagine that a police officer is holding his wife and children hostage, threatening to kill his family and then himself. If a member of the public has a clear shot to prevent the deaths of the members of the police officer's family, should he nonetheless allow the police officer to proceed, simply because the officer is wearing a blue suit and a badge at the time?
No, defense of another has long been recognized as a defense to a charge of murder and police officers, like other human beings, sometimes do kill others in a way and under circumstances that constitute murder.
Let us imagine that the police officer's wife is somehow able to wrestle the gun away from him and shoot him dead. Has she committed a crime or defended herself from a crime that was about to be committed against her? The answer should be obvious, and the fact that the murderous husband happens to be a police officer ought not blind us to reason.
The de facto and only rarely rebuttable presumption in American society is that police officers are always acting lawfully, and therefore no one is within his rights to resist the force of a police officer. And yet, as a matter of fact, we know that many police officers exceed that which is necessary to do that which is unnecessary and reprehensible.

If the Black man in New York who had a billy club stuck up his rectum had somehow gotten hold of the police officer's weapon and shot the police officer dead, would that have been a legitimate self-defense? That would be something for a jury to decide after the the fact.
In fact, what is legitimate self-defense is always a matter for a jury to decide (except when judges refuse to allow defendants to offer evidence about the circumstances and refuse to allow juries to hear evidence that would support a claim of self defense). But many Black men, for failure to act in self-defense, do not live to see their cases go before a judge or jury, and that is a shame for which the Black man himself may be responsible. It is not our fault when we are the targets of color-aroused violence, but it is our responsibility to act to defend ourselves. Whether we have acted in legitimate self-defense is a matter for a judge and jury to decide.
When a Black person is not threatening police but nonetheless believes that the only way to save his own life is by an act of self-defense, I believe the Black man (woman or child) should defend himself, and let a jury subsequently decide whether he has done the right thing, particularly if the alternative is to be killed by police.
In the case of electrocution devices, I once believed that it was useless to study the so-called "use of force continuum", because the police who most violate Blacks' rights are those who least care about such guidance. But, now I perceive a possible use for such official guidance: If Black people are aware of the use of force continuum and conclude that the police have exceeded the force authorized under the circumstances, and/or that the police have demonstrated a willingness or intention to unlawfully kill a Black person rather than merely arrest them (electrocution devices, when used, often electrocute people), then that should certainly be a moment when a Black person (or any person) would consider acting in self-defense. The question will then arise whether the person has acted in legitimate self-defense. I believe that will be a question for a judge and/or jury to decide.

Perhaps, many judges would not permit a defendant to offer statistical evidence that the threatened use of an electrocution device was excessive force that triggered a right to self defense, precisely because the actual use of an electrocution often results in electrocution. Without having reviewed the case law and precedents, I believe that if judges do not allow a defendant to prove that he acted to save his own life (or the life of another), then that is a failure of jurispudence that needs to be addressed, and not a failure on the part of the self-defendant.
How should we behave if we see a police officer coming toward us with a stun gun pointed at us or at someone else? Of course it depends upon the circumstances, but we must consider at that moment the possibility that we may become victims of pre-trial execution. I believe there may be cases in which we are compelled to act in self-defense, and to let a jury decide if we have acted appropriately.
And what should we do if we see seven police officers sitting on top of a woman in the street, shocking her repeatedly with an electrocution device? Again, I believe that Blacks should act "in defense of another" and let a jury decide, if necessary, whether we have done the right thing. If we are fortunate, there will be a videotape to support our testimony, although it may not make any difference if the case is tried to an all-white jury. Nonetheless, we must defend ourselves whenever it is legitimate to do so, and put our faith in the legal system.
The justice system is stacked against Black people, with the very people most likely to be shocked with electrocution devices often lacking the financial wherewithal to mount an effective defense; with juries often all-white; and with all-white juries again presuming that the police are always right. In a state without the death penalty, it may be better to spend one's life in jail than to give one's life to Taser international, as so many Black men have been compelled to do.
And in a state with the death penalty, it may be preferable effectively to take one's torturer to the grave rather than to go there alone. The important thing is to defend oneself first and then, if necessary, let the jury decide.
To say that Blacks should always submit to police violence, no matter how exaggerated and intentionally lethal, is to take us back to the days of Dread Scott, when Blacks had no rights that a white man was bound to respect.

Saturday Links

Saturday, April 25th, 2009
  • Police captain fired after stealing from department fund for another fired police officer. Injustice in Seattle asks, will there be a fund for him, too?
  • Great piece on Law Enforcement Against Prohibition at the Washington Post. The comments are encouraging, too. At least those I read.
  • ACLU says former U.S. attorney, now candidate for New Jersey governor, was routinely tracking American citizens on the cell phones without a warrant.
  • The director of Omaha’s crime scene investigation unit has been charged with felony evidence tampering. I first wrote about this case last December. It includes a false confession from a mentally handicapped man after a police interrogator said that unless he admitted to the murder, he’d do “do my level best to hang your ass from the highest tree.”
  • I missed this when it came out: The Mercatus Center ranks the 50 states by freedom. New Hampshire, Colorado, and South Dakota finish at the top. Alaska is tops in personal freedom. New York, New Jersey, Rhode Island, and California bring up the rear.
  • Illinois man officially declared innocent after serving 26 years for a murder he didn’t commit.
  • Miami-Dade cop steals money and drugs from arrestees. Internal affairs tries in vain for three years to get him off the force. Doesn’t happen until he actually shoots and nearly kills a man.

  • Morning Links

    Friday, April 24th, 2009
  • Video of a pair of lungs breathing outside a human body.
  • John Stossel on drug prohibition and the carnage in Mexico.
  • Florida judge rules baggy pants law unconstitutional.
  • Officer threatens woman over police radio. Police chief lies about how much he knew about the incident. Another officer forwards the audio to a local news station. Guess which of the three was deemed to have “violated department policy?”
  • Fifth Circuit strikes down a Texas law requiring a license to legally call yourself an “interior designer.”
  • Charlie Lynch’s sentencing has been postponed again. The good news is that the judge seems quite sympathetic to Lynch. The bad news is that he’s hamstrung by mandatory minimum sentencing laws, which means the least amount of time Lynch could get would likely be five years.

  • In counting there is strength.

    Friday, April 24th, 2009

    A few days ago there was some back-and-forth over at Ken MacLeod’s blog, and then also at Roderick’s blog, over the the relationship between large, centralized states and peace. MacLeod originally argued:

    The panel convened by Farah Mendlesohn on Pacifism and Non-Violence in SF benefited from being on a subject on which there is a manageably small amount of source material. The discussion led me to make one of my very few comments from the floor. A more articulate and argued version of that comment would be this:

    We already know how to have peace over large areas of the Earth, and that is by having large states covering those areas. (The combat death rate for men of military age in typical stateless societies far exceeds that in inter-state wars, including world wars.) SF has in its default assumptions a way to get to peace without pacifism, and that is the World State. Even Starship Troopers gives this answer, just as much as Star Trek or anything by H. G. Wells, Isaac Asimov or Arthur C. Clarke. Heinlein’s Federation is a World State, and (consequently) there is peace within the human species. It just has wars with aliens.

    But there are no aliens. So we could have peace.

    Ken MacLeod, The Early Days of a Better Nation (2009-04-17): Existence Proof of Von Neumann Machine, Placing Imaginary Bets, and other Cultural Learnings

    There are several problems with this line of argument. There’s a lot of good back-and-forth at MacLeod’s about the empirical basis of MacLeod’s factoid about combat death rates, and about the underlying sources (it mainly comes from Lawrence Keeley’s War Before Civilization). Roderick has a very interesting response, from another angle, in the comments there that he repeats in his own post, in which he argues that if there is a general correlation between peace and state coverage, it’s because states (as parasites on social production) can only function in societies where there is an certain underlying level of peaceful cooperation; there is a level of widespread ultraviolence at which at a state can no longer steal the material resources it needs to cover the costs of full-time cops, soldiers, and the rest of its repressive apparatus. Hence the correlation between production and the State is like the correlation between human civilization and cockroaches; cockroaches thrive in civilized societies much more than they do in the wilderness, but not because cockroaches somehow produce civilization.

    All of which is good, and important, and well-worth reading. What I’d like to add to the discussion is a good, hard look at the notion that what a strong state produces within its own territory can even realistically be called peace.

    Let’s grant, for the sake of argument, that Keeley (thus MacLeod) is right about combat deaths for military-age males — that the rates are much, much higher in primitive stateless societies than they are in modern state societies. As Roderick points out, part of the problem here is that that data set, by itself, tells us little or nothing about whether it’s the primitiveness or the statelessness that’s doing the damage. There are other problems, too — for example, comparing percentages is a tricky game when you compare populations of radically different sizes; if a band of 50 !Kung San gets in a fight, and one whole member of their band is killed, then just running the percentages would have us believe that this is like 6,000,000 out of 300,000,00 Americans getting murdered — life for the !Kung San is apparently so savage that every single murder is another Holocaust. Or maybe there is a problem with a standard of comparison which would require 0.000000167 of a !Kung San man or woman to be killed in order to find an equivalent to a single murder in America.

    But the problem that I want to focus on is that it looks to me like we are doing some very selective counting here. The selective counting consists in what is counted as violence, and as breaches of peace, and what is not. We are informed that having large states covering a part of the world’s landed surface is a good way to bring about peace. The evidence for this is the drop-off in combat deaths. But combat deaths are not the only sort of violence that people can suffer, and especially not combat-deaths-among-military-aged-males. Keeping that in mind, let us recall some facts about the most powerful, and one of the largest states in the world today — the United States of America — and what goes on in the territory that its government claims to rule.

    Under the United States of America, over 2,000,000 people are currently forced into jails and prisons by state, local, and federal governments. Over 7,000,000 people are facing some form of ongoing constraint from the government’s corrections system — either through imprisonment, or through supervised parole, or through probation.

    Under the United States of America, the government maintains a force of over 1,100,000 police officers — armed professionals whose job it is to use force against the 7,000,000, so as to get them under the control of the government prison system and its annexes. The government also maintains a force of about 765,000 corrections officers, who are armed and trained to use force against the 2,000,000 while they are confined within the walls of the government’s prisons.

    The government’s internal armed forces of over 1,865,000 are currently engaged in a number of large-scale projects to use intense force in the prosecution of campaigns that they describe as wars. There is, for example, the War on Drugs; the War on Terrorism; inner-city surges against gangs, and so on. For the prosecution of these wars, the 1,865,000 put on constant street patrols; they arm themselves with semiautomatic and fully-automatic rifles; they kick in doors and storm houses and businesses; in some neighborhoods they engage in saturation patrols, the explicit purpose of which is to instill a sense of fear and thus make their designated enemies (gangs, mostly) afraid to use public spaces. In some cities they have adopted tactics explicitly modeled on the government military’s surge counter-insurgency tactics in Iraq. In other cities they have established checkpoints on the roads and cordoned off entire neighborhoods. They have recently taken to investing heavily in training and equipping paramilitary defensive lines (riot cops) and paramilitary assault squads (SWAT), and have stocked up on armored vehicles for mechanized warfare and even military helicopters.

    When the government’s 1,865,000 go out into the streets or into the jails and prisons, they use force to confront and control the 7,000,000, and also to confront and control uncounted millions more, who are confronted by law enforcement and corrections officers without ending up in jail, in prison, on parole, or on probation. These confrontations produce conflicts, and the conflicts often escalate into violence; under the United States of America, those fights result in cops killing somewhere above 500 people each year[1] and about 50 cops getting killed each year along the way. Upwards of 550 deaths a year, out of 300,000,000 people, may not seem like all that much; but it’s worth remembering that there is a body count here, and, what’s more important, that the body count is not the only form of violence that there is to talk about. Besides the people who end up dead, there is a far greater level of non-lethal but nevertheless violent force, which hasn’t got much of a counterpart in the kind of kill-or-be-killed struggles that the body-counters count as breaches of peace: there is the heavy and repeated use of physical coercion, assaults, beatings, restraints, chemical and electrical torture (pain compliance), that the cops and their antagonists each employ (mostly, it’s the cops who use it) to try to get their way. This violence is constant, pervasive, and intense, and all of these especially in those neighborhoods that are singled out, for demographic reasons, as deserving the special attention of police street patrols and police crackdowns. In neighborhoods like that, the cumulative result is often experienced as being far more like a military occupation than like life in a peaceful society. And this kind of constant, pervasive, intense violence is completely unknown in even the most primitive or ultraviolent stateless societies.

    This constant government-declared domestic warfare — most of which is directed against people for offenses that violate nobody’s person or property, such as the use of drugs or the crossing of borders without government permission slips — is dignified as peace by those who claim that covering a territory with a single state eliminates war within that territory. In fact it is nothing of the sort, if peace has any meaning for people’s real lives and not merely for the purposes of politico-legal accounting. It is a form of violence which affects military age males but also a lot of other people besides, and which often has far more profound effects on daily life than the bloody but infrequent violence of communal blood feuds or open war between political entities. And in many cases outside of the United States, it is a form of violence which has proved far more intense and far more lethal than it happens to be here — because, as R.J. Rummel never tires of pointing out, over the past couple centuries, governments have been far more lethal in democidal attacks on their own populations — through the use of government executions, government policing (especially government policing of the use of food stocks), government prison camps, and so on — than they were in inter-governmental warfare. The greatest war of the modern era has never been the kind of warfare that governments wage one against the other — as terrible as those wars have been. It is the war that each and every government is constantly waging within its own territory, against its own subjects — the kind of war that is passed off as peace, and which is more or less never counted in attempts to tally up the balance of peace over violence in modern state-occupied societies.

    1 The somewhere above is important, because there are actually no systematic efforts to compile statistics on all homicides by law enforcement in the U.S.

    The Bureau of Justice Statistics recently released a report on Arrest-Related Deaths in the United States, 2003-2005 which is based on data from two main sources, the Bureau of Justice Statistics’ Deaths in Custody Reporting Program, and the FBI’s Supplementary Homicide Reports. There are several problems with using these reports to get comprehensive statistics: neither source provides information about the number of people killed by *federal* law enforcement agencies like the FBI, BATF, and ICE. Not all states currently report figures to either program. The SHR reports only report law-enforcement homicides separately when a government agency rules the use of force justifiable; otherwise they are lumped in with other criminal homicides. It’s clear that some states do not report all of the cases where people are killed by cops to the DCRP: California, for example, reported 354 law-enforcement homicides to the SHR program, but only 160 to the DCRP, even though the deaths reported to the DCRP should properly be a superset of the deaths reported to the SHR.

    If you use take the maximum of the DCRP figure and the SHR figure for each state that reported at least one of the two, then you get a total of at least 1,489 people killed by police over the three-year period from 2003–2005. Divide that by 3 (because neither the DCRP nor the SHR indicated any big leap in the number from one year to the next), and you get at least 496 people killed by cops each year during the 3 year period.

    I do not know of any good statistical source to get a count of how many people were killed by federal law enforcement, or how many cases there were in which a law enforcement homicide reported to the SHR was filed as unjustifiable rather than justifiable in states like California which underreported to the DCRP. Hence, the figure of about 500 people killed a year should be treated not even as a lowball estimate, but simply as a minimum, for the real numbers.

    See also:

    At Least Five Seventeen Year-Olds Suffer Police Pretrial Capital Punishment by Electrocution This Year

    Thursday, April 23rd, 2009

    405 "Taser" Electrocutions in North America So Far

    SIXTEEN Americans have died so far this year after they were tasered, including a 16-YEAR-OLD BOY, a 15-YEAR-OLD boy - and a 17-YEAR OLD boy who became AT LEAST the FIFTH 17-year-old to die in North America proximal to the taser.

    At least SEVENTY-ONE North Americans died in 2008 after they were tasered, including at least FIVE (and possibly SIX) Canadians. At least SEVENTY-EIGHT North Americans (that we know of) died in 2007, FIVE of them Canadian. At least 405 people have died in North America proximal to taser use since 2001. TWENTY-FIVE (SIX?) people have died in Canada since 2003 after police used tasers on them. One person has died in Britain. One person has died in Australia.

    The taser has been identified as either a cause or contributing factor in at least 50 of the deaths, according to
    Amnesty International(Dec. 16/08). That number would be higher; however medical examiners and coroners are often not impartial but are instead biased in favour of the Crown or, as has been shown, they are under tremendous pressure from - among others - the weapon's manufacturer, to make a particular finding.

    “Naming” it “Police Pre-Trial Electrocution and Execution”

    Thursday, April 23rd, 2009

    Photobucket

    When I first proposed renaming "tasering" "police pre-trial electrocution and execution", some raised their eyebrows, pointing out, for example, that not everyone who is "tasered" dies. But, I argued the case last year (e.g. in the following essay), analyzing our use of language and explaining why failing to name "electrocution" powerfully was so harmful to the cause of stopping it:

    Call An Electrocution An Electrocution

    "Tasing" someone to death and electrocuting them is the same thing. Look up the verb "tase" in the Merriam Webster dictionary. It doesn't exist.

    Look up the word "Taser" in the Merriam Webster dictionary. It exists only as a trade mark name, but NOT as a noun that could be applied to all electrical shock devices.

    When the media begins to report that Black people are tired of being "electrocuted", they will understand that Blacks are serous, we are definiing our own reality, acting in self-determination, and they will realize that we are determined to stop being electrocuted.



    But, for so long as we accept and adopt the "tase" euphemism created by one corporation for the self-serving purpose of marketing their own weapons, we will be acceding to THEIR version of how WE died. Those who define and name history control history and destiny.

    A person who dies when seven Twinkies or Snickers bars are stuffed down his throat at once has not been "Twinkied" or "Snickered"; He has been intentionally and forcibly "asphyxiated." That's the scientific and dictionary-accepted name for that, not "Twinkied" or "Snickered", no matter what self-serving names the Twinkie and Snickers corporations and the media adopt.

    Likewise, a person who is strangled to death with a Guchi belt has not been "Guchied". He has quite simply been "strangled" and "asphyxiated", regardless of the trademark name of the belt with which he has been strangled and asphyxiated.

    Electrocuted While Black, Sunday, August 3, 2008


    Over the last few weeks and months -- over the last year -- so many young Black children have been electrically shocked to death by police, without ever having so much as an arraignment, much less a trial, that now it is apparent to us all that "pre-trial electrocution" is precisely what is happening to Black people all over America.

    We can no longer permit this torture and murder to be referred to with the corporate white euphemism "tasing", because that is like using the brand name of the rope instead of using the word "lynching". It makes the manufacturer of the rope more important than the hideous act for which the rope was used.

    Last July, which seems like just yesterday, we all watched the video in utter horror as a suicidal Black man was shocked off a bridge by police and broke two arms and his eye socket in a fall several meters to the highway below. I remember being shocked to observe that the police would never electrically shock a wild dog on an overpass as they did that Black man off the overpass that day. The (white) public would simply never tolerate that mistreatment of a dog, and then seeing a dog fall to the highway below.

    Around July 23, 2008, I started the "Electrocuted While Black" blog, with African American Political Pundit's Tasered While Black as inspiration, and with both AAPP and Villager of Electronic Village as co-editors. I have followed the example of AAPP, posting accounts from newspapers across America of the almost daily toll of Black people electrocuted before any court could adjudicated their guilt or innocence.




    On that same day, July 23, 2008, I designed and uploaded the WidgetBox widget design (left) that is now used, in 3 dimensions (right) at 133 afrosphere blogs to vividly highlight what is most important about this issue: that Blacks are being lynched by policewithout trial, by massive electrical current applied to their bodies, and there is no justifiable or reason for it. There is onlyextremely color-aroused police ideation, emotion and behaviortoward the Black victims, who would not be dead if their skin color was white instead. Regardless of the painfully repetitive "testilying" justifications that police offer to rationalize what they've done, "The Price Is Just Too High."

    (And yet the price isn't high enough for police, because they continue executing us at curbside, almost as in the New York Post propaganda "cartoon" that caused such an uproar a couple of months ago, because it targeted newly-elected President Barack Obama.)

    Last July, we were catalyzed by AfroSpear-member African American Political Pundit, who started the Tasered While Black blog, to hold the first "Day of Blogging For Justice - Blogging Against Extra-Judicial Electrocution (Tasers)" almost a year ago:
    Today, Wednesday July 30th 2008, black and other bloggers from across America are holding "A Day of Blogging for Justice - Blogging Against Extra-Judicial Electrocution (Tasers)"

    Many Americans have seen the
    outrageous police tasing and attempted murder videoImagine! Tasing a suicidal man and causing him to fall OFF AN OVERPASS AND ONTO THE HIGHWAY, in clear violation of tasing instructions!
    Almost as soon as we in the AfroSpear and afrosphere started using the term "police pre-trial electrocution", particularly when African American Political Pundit featured the term in is "Tasered While Black" Blog, the term "police pre-trial electrocution" was picked up and highlighted by "The Root" blog, which is owned by the Washington Post:
    Another blog, Tasered While Black, keeps a running log of black Americans killed or abused in what it calls "police pre-trial electrocution."
    I am a "controversial African American blogger" precisely because I intentionally and laboriously devise and use and popularize, in the most stark and alarming manners possible, "naming" words that describe what most afflicts Blacks, in order to wake us and our tormentors up to the need for immediate and fearless change.

    Blacks have a long history of using provocative language to wake up, educate and mobilize each other and our oppressors to stop the oppression. The 1970 testimony Frank Benson Jones to a US House Committee on Internal Security provides an example when Jones is asked why the Panther Party used the slogan, "off the pigs":
    You have to remember the articles that appear in the Black Panther paper are articles that are submitted by people in the community. These articles are going to reflect the feelings of the people who write the articles. In the black community I have seen and experienced a great deal of frustration in my association with the police. This frustration is brought about by the fact that many black people feel they have no place to take their grievances expect to the Black Panther paper. When a man is frustrated and feels he is not going to receive proper consideration in the normal course of legal proceedings, he will find other ways to rectify his situation.

    You might look at the Black Panther paper as this: It might serve as a steam whistle on a kettle that is boiling, you see, and as long as there is an outlet for that type frustration, and the paper serves as an outlet for people to vent their frustrations, the kettle won’t explode. You silence that steam whistle and the kettle will explode.

    Source: Congress, House, Committee on Internal Security, Black Panther Party, Part 4, 91st Congress, 1970 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1971).

    And yet the slogan "off the pigs" was more than just "letting of steam". The term "pigs" was part of the "naming" process that allowed Blacks to identify the occupying force in the ghetto, while suggesting that killing police officers was the only solution to police brutality that could be carried out without the help of white Americans, too many of whom seemed then and still seem now to be all-too-often willfully blind to what is happening to Blacks.

    In my case, my additional inspiration for working to name what happens to Blacks in ways that ignite us to oppose our oppression comes from Brazilian revolutionary sociologist Paulo Freire, in whose book entitled "Pedogogy of the Oppressed" I first saw the term "naming". The term is explained to mean the use of language to define our circumstances from our own perspective (not that of Taser International), thereby arousing a new revolutionary consciousness among oppressed peoples.

    And yet our goal today is not revolution that kills whites out of a conviction that they will never willingly stop oppressing us. After all, the election of President Barack Obama has given us the real hope that there are at least some whites who do not viscerally hate us just because our skin is brown. And yet there are still sufficient numbers of whites who do viscerally hate Blacks in that way, many of them wearing police badges (and including house negro police officers) , to guarantee a steady current of electrocutions of Blacks from Louisiana to Michigan and Texas.

    We will not, we can not, and we must not tolerate the electrocution of our brothers and sisters, and of our very children. Still, among the remaining questions are what we are going to do about it, and whether whites -- from police departments to the US Congress -- will help turn down or instead turn up the fire under the pressure cooker of the police's extra-judicial imposition of the death penalty by their portable waist-mounted electric chairs.

    Today, unlike 1970, when the Panthers were urging Blacks to "off the pigs", we have a Black president and a Black Attorney General, both of whom have it within their authority and responsibility to act to stop the pre-trial electrocution of Blacks. Will they do so in a way that gathers whites behind them to stop the murders, or will they and white America forget that the riots in France a couple of years ago began with the electrocution of Black youth being chased by police?

    Milwaukee Police Chief Says to Hell With the Rule of Law

    Thursday, April 23rd, 2009

    After Wisconsin’s attorney general said it’s legal to open carry in his state, Milwaukee Police Chief Ed Flynn responded:

    “My message to my troops is if you see anybody carrying a gun on the streets of Milwaukee, we’ll put them on the ground, take the gun away and then decide whether you have a right to carry it.”

    Milwaukee’s first problem is that it has a police chief who refers to the city’s peace officers as “my troops.”

    No wonder the city’s force includes cops like Det. Kent Corbett, who actually wrote a letter to the editor of National Review in defense of the Maryland raid on Mayor Cheye Calvo. Not in defense of the use of SWAT teams or drug raids in general, but of the specific (and violent, and mistaken) raid on Calvo.

    A Day of Blogging for Justice: Standing Up Against the Police Pre-Trial Electrocution – April 24, 2009

    Wednesday, April 22nd, 2009
    Hat Tip and Shout Out to the Villager at the blog Electronic Village for his recent blog post. Check out how the afrospear is blogging about the issue of the tasing, beating and electrocution of Black folks in America. He writes about A Day of Blogging for Justice: Standing Up Against the Police Pre-Trial Electrocution


    The AfroSpear is calling on all bloggers to join us in a Day of Blogging for Justice: Standing Up Against the Police Pre-Trial Electrocution on Friday, April 24, 2009.



    The rules are simple:

    1. Share a post on your blog focused on your concerns about the tasering of Blacks folks.
    2. Send an email to AfricanAmericanPoliticalPundit@gmail.com so that we may document everyone's participation.

    He gives examples of what bloggers have been reporting on the police pre-trial electrocution:

    I like the villager, and so many other bloggers hope that you will participate. Please read villager's complete post on A Day of Blogging for Justice: Standing Up Against the Police Pre-Trial Electrocution

    Related Blog Posts

    Fort Worth Police Tasered a Mentally Ill Black Man To Death

    A Day of Blogging for Justice: Standing Up Against the Police Pre-Trial Electrocution – April 24, 2009

    Wednesday, April 22nd, 2009
    Hat Tip and Shout Out to the Villager at the blog Electronic Village for his recent blog post. Check out how the afrospear is blogging about the issue of the tasing, beating and electrocution of Black folks in America. He writes about A Day of Blogging for Justice: Standing Up Against the Police Pre-Trial Electrocution


    The AfroSpear is calling on all bloggers to join us in a Day of Blogging for Justice: Standing Up Against the Police Pre-Trial Electrocution on Friday, April 24, 2009.



    The rules are simple:

    1. Share a post on your blog focused on your concerns about the tasering of Blacks folks.
    2. Send an email to AfricanAmericanPoliticalPundit@gmail.com so that we may document everyone's participation.

    He gives examples of what bloggers have been reporting on the police pre-trial electrocution:

    I like the villager, and so many other bloggers hope that you will participate. Please read villager's complete post on A Day of Blogging for Justice: Standing Up Against the Police Pre-Trial Electrocution

    Related Blog Posts

    15 Year old Detroit boy with asthma dies after being Tasered While Black
    Fort Worth Police Tasered a Mentally Ill Black Man To Death